Emerald City Radical who Started “New Party” attached to Joel Rogers
Original mastermind of “the green economy”
Backgrounder of Joel Rogers ((A MUST READ))
Joel Rogers: American Capitalism Is Monstrous
***National Chair of the New Party in 1996**
From Discover The Networks:
In 2004, Joel Rogers from the Center On Wisconsin Strategy, Robert Borosage from the Institute for America’s Future, and environmental visionary Dan Carol approached Steelworkers President Leo Gerard and SEIU President Andy Stern, among others, to propose a new alliance of labor, environmental groups, business and social justice leaders called the Apollo Alliance. The Alliance, which soon included over 200 supporting organizations, released a report that year arguing for a ten-year program of investment in a “clean energy, good jobs” economy.
The Apollo Alliance is a joint project of the Institute for America’s Future and the Center on Wisconsin Strategy. The Apollo Alliance is a 501-c3 organization.
ABOUT THE NEW PARTY:
The New Party was an electoral alliance dedicated to electing leftist candidates to office-usually through the Democratic Party. It dissolved in 1998.
[KW: There was at least one earlier “New Party”, founded about 1968, whose history can be found at “New Party: Additional Groups” here at KW. It, too, had significant, if not domineering influence by the Institute for Policy Studies IPS.]
The first strategic meetings to plan the New Party were held in Joel Rogers‘ home in Madison Wisconsin in the very early 1990s. Present were Rogers’ wife Sarah Siskind, Dan Cantor, ACORN leaders , Wade Rathke ,Zach Polett , Steve Kest and Jon Kest , Steve Cobble from the Institute for Policy Studies (in an advisory role), Sandy Morales Pope (for the first 18 months), Harriet Barlow and Barbara Dudley.
The very first meeting included Gerry Hudson from Democratic Socialists of America and SEIU and Gary Delgado, plus labor activists Sam Pizzigati and Tony Mazzocchi. Anthony Thigpenn of Los Angeles was also approached, but though supportive did not wish to play a leadership role.
Socialist Scholars conference
Elaine Bernard and Kurt Stand of Democratic Socialists of America, Arthur Lipow, Michael Harrington Center; and Judy Page, New Party were speakers on the Towards a New Party panel sponsored by the Democratic Socialists of America at the Tenth Annual Socialist Scholars Conference. The conference was held April 24-26, 1992 at the Borough of Manhattan Community College, New York City.
Bernard and Page were later active in the New Party, while Stand later jailed as an East German and Soviet spy.
Obama and the New Party
Posted 06/10/2008 ET
Two weeks ago at RedState, we documented Obama’s 1996 endorsement by the New Party. A review of the New Party establishes that not only was the party an amalgamation of far left groups, but Barack Obama knew that when he sought the party’s endorsement.
Most of the New Party’s history has been lost in the digital age. It was established in 1992 and started to die out in 1998, well before Google and the modern web were established. But through lengthy searches of the Nexis archive and microfilm at the local university library, I’ve been able to piece this together.
The New Party was established in 1992 “by union activist Sandy Pope and University of Wisconsin professor Joel Rogers,” USA Today reported on November 16, 1992. The paper wrote that the new party was “self-described [as] ‘socialist democratic.’”
From the Progressive Populist:
The next campaign
New Party members and supported candidates won 16 of 23 races, including an at-large race for the Little Rock, Ark., City Council, a seat on the county board for Little Rock and the school board for Prince George’s County, Md. Chicago is sending the first New Party member to Congress, as Danny Davis, who ran as a Democrat, won an overwhelming 85% victory. New Party member Barack Obama was uncontested for a State Senate seat from Chicago.
The New Party also helped Carolyn McCarthy knock off freshman Republican Dan Frisa in a closely watched U.S. House seat in Long Island. Tom DiNapoli, the most progressive State Assemblyman on Long Island, handily won re-election as a Democratic Party/New Party fusion candidate. Progressive Milwaukee members affiliated with the New Party won a seat in the state Assembly and two seats in the state Senate.
San Francisco voters by 56-44 percent rejected a preference voting initiative as a competing initiative to resume single-member, winner-take-all district elections for the Board of Supervisors was approved by 57%. But advocates of proportional representation were heartened by the re-election of Democratic Rep. Cynthia McKinney, a black congresswoman who was targeted for defeat by Republicans in a redrawn suburban Atlanta district. She won a second term with 58% of the vote. She views proportional representation as a way to allow minorities to be represented and maintain the spirit of the Voting Rights Act without gerrymandering districts.
Bruce Colburn, secretary-treasurer of the Milwaukee Labor Council, member of the New Party-affiliated Progressive Milwaukee and president of Wisconsin Citizen Action, and Joel Rogers, chairman of the New Party, wrote of the possibility of building a new progressive populist coalition in “What’s Next: Beyond the Election” in the Nov. 18 issue of The Nation. The core Democratic idea of using public power to build a genuinely democratic society has all but vanished as a practical political ideal, in their analysis. In addition to the deep changes in the structure of the economy, organizational rivalries within progressive ranks, tactical mistakes and failures of leadership, they write, “the most important reason is also the most obvious: As a movement, we are not serious players in the electoral game.”
Progressives have allowed themselves to be defined at the left wing of the liberal/conservative axis, they write. But “the liberal/conservative axis itself misses the real conflict in politics today — which is not so much a battle between left and right as between bottom and top — between those favoring stronger democracy and corporate accountability (the majority) and those opposed to both (the tiny rich minority and their apologists). This fight is the one we should declare as our own. Taking sides with the majority, we should wage the ‘democrat versus anti-democrat’ and ‘worker-consumer-citizen versus irresponsible corporate power’ struggle. It will be an exceptionally nasty fight, but this is one we can win.”
Colburn and Rogers propose this progressive program:
— Reform tax and industrial policy to close off the ‘low road’ on industrial restructuring and promote high-wage/low-waste domestic investment and business organization.
— Revitalize metropolitan economies as model regions of advanced production.
— Build high-speed trains — “capital and labor intensive, they’re good for the earth and people like them.”
— Make equal opportunity real by declaring a “Bill of Rights for America’s Children,” providing everybody with a “starting even” package of day care, health insurance, parental income allowances, recreation and advanced, high-quality education.
— Declare America a “lifelong learning society,” fundamentally reforming public education, replacing local property taxes with more general revenues, imposing high standards on teachers and students and provide links to work for those who don’t go on to college. Also ensure lifelong learning opportunities for adults.
— Restore government accountability, beginning with public funding of campaigns.
— Strengthen the organizing rights of workers, consumers and communities, while explicitly assigning them a greater role in devising and administering “public” programs for economic upgrading and community renewal.
— Provide single-payer health insurance.
— Simplify and integrate our tax system to tax both private and social income on a progressive basis.
— Declare the budgetary “peace dividend.”
— Declare an “environmental dividend” in energy and other savings that application of current technologies would permit.
— Forge a new internationalism centered on “leveling up” international worker rights and wages, rather than the leveling down associated with GATT.
We like most of that program but would also strengthen anti-trust legislation to help small businesses compete with corporate chain stores. We also would gear agricultural policy to promote small, family-based farms and sustainable economic development in rural areas. And we would require accountability from the media conglomerates that use public airwaves.
A progressive electoral alliance could include the AFL-CIO and its member unions, citizen advocacy groups such as ACORN, Citizen Action, Public Citizen and the Public Interest Research Groups, political parties such as the Green Party, Labor Party and New Party, civil rights organizations such as the Mexican-American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, the NAACP and NOW and environmental groups such as the Sierra Club and the League of Conservation Voters.
If progressives want to build a populist movement for the 1998 election, when 16 GOP and 18 Democratic seats will be up for grabs in the Senate, they had better start working now to build a national network that can recruit progressive candidates and raise funds and organize people to elect them.